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The first class of therapeutic approaches focus on the client's behaviour. The rationale is that for some people behaviour monitoring, behavioural activation and behavioural change can lead to substantive gains. For example, people with more severe depression often become withdrawn and inactive, which can feed into and exacerbate depression. They withdraw and then label themselves as 'ineffectual', fuelling the depression. By focussing on this relationship and gradually increasing the person's sense of daily structure and participation in masterful and pleasurable activities the person can take the first steps in combating depression (Beck et al., 1979). Other behavioural strategies include scheduling pleasurable activities, breaking down large tasks (such as finding employment) into more manageable graded tasks (buying a newspaper with job advertisements, preparing a resume ), teaching relaxation skills, desensitising a person regarding feared situations, role playing and...
The individualistic notions of patient and disease are also inadequate for dealing with the asymptomatic patient, who has a genetic defect, but who does not now or may not ever have the full-blown disease manifestation. In this case social context and actions impact heavily and these persons surely are not protected and autonomous individuals. Thus, the asymptomatic patient's social status as sick leads to self-image problems, loss of employment and insurance benefits, and, as in case of sickle cell trait, exclusion from military service and other job opportunities (Rosenstein, 1983, p. 139). A further interesting aspect of this arises with the question of prophylactic treatment and insurance coverage. In the United States, insurance covers things considered medically necessary and this, in turn, means to treat an actual existing disease. Further insurance often excludes pre-existing conditions. In light of this, how should genetic disease be defined
Positive research on equity and social justice has burgeoned in recent years. Much of this work in planning has leveraged Geographic Information System (GIS) technology to track the geographic nature of patterns of inequality in urban areas. This includes access or proximity to transportation infrastructure and, through that access, job opportunities (e.g. Shen, 2001), spatial patterns of inequality (e.g. Rey, 2004), and the geographic pattern of proximity to environmental hazards (e.g., Forkenbrock and Schweitzer, 1999 Lejano and Iseki, 2001).
Another important factor in considering suburban versus central city growth is the explosive development of diverse employment activities in suburban rings (Bourne 1996). Whereas early post-World War II suburbanization heavily involved residences that were tied to central city workplaces, more recent years have seen the creation of major peripheral employment centers. This has involved high rates of job relocation from central cities to suburbs and the creation of many new job opportunities, as in the computer industry. Examples that come to mind are Silicon Valley in the San Francisco metropolitan region and Redmond, outside Seattle. This growth of employment, both the amount and the diversity of activity, has created a need to house increasingly diverse workforces, a factor that would encourage growing diversity in the age and family structure of suburbs.
If we accept this view about our (lack of) responsibility for the effects of the genetic lottery, what moral and political conclusions should we draw John Rawls has famously argued that when inequalities between people are due to the natural and social lotteries, and so due to facts that people cannot be held responsible for themselves, these inequalities should be eliminated (Rawls, 1971, p. 72).3 After all, the people who are worse off cannot be said to deserve to be worse off. Nor can the people that are better off be said to deserve this. So if a person is worse off because her genes have caused her to suffer from a painful disability, she should be compensated. For instance, health-care services should be provided and a policy to provide special job opportunities for the disabled should be enforced.
The political changes of the nineties opened the doors for effective collaborative research. Changes to the funding systems, with emphasis on peer review of individual projects, helped to strengthen good research groups. With the start of the European Commission (EC) sixth framework program, scientists from CEE countries are fully integrated into the EC granting system. However, it is still very difficult to maintain scientific capacity in the region and offer young scientists exiting job prospects in order to prevent them from seeking employment elsewhere.
The characteristics of a job also affect the likelihood that a woman with young children will work. Self-employment or work at home are possible arrangements for young mothers (Edwards and Hendry 2002). Desai and Waite (1991) find that occupations that raise the cost of labor force withdrawal (for example, occupations with a high education requirement) are associated with greater retention of young mothers. Women with better market skills are more likely than other new mothers to return to work (Klerman and Leibowitz 1994). But Stinebrickner (2002) finds that 67 of exiting female teachers leave the labor force entirely, most often to care for newborn children.
Gerhart (1991) suggested a role for recruiters in applicants' job search and choice decisions that was somewhat larger than that suggested by the pessimistic conclusion drawn in the earlier Handbook chapter. Rynes et al. used structured, longitudinal interviews to discover how job seekers determine whether an organization provides a good fit to their wants and needs. Content analysis of interview responses suggested that although perceived job and organizational attributes were the major determinants of perceived fit, recruiters and other organizational representatives were the second-most important. In addition, recruiters were also associated with changes in many job seekers' assessments of fit over time 16 of 41 individuals mentioned recruiters or other corporate representatives as reasons for deciding that an initially favored company was no longer a good fit, whereas an identical number mentioned recruiters as a reason for changing an initial impression of poor fit into a...
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